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ELECTION

The Centre Party: Eager beavers bet on jobs

Ask many an urban Swede for a quick run-down of the Swedish political groupings and you’ll often hear the Centre Party referred to as the “farmers’ party”.

These days, however, you won’t find much talk of manure and grain prices at Centre Party meetings; the buzz words of Maud Olofsson’s self-described band of “eager beavers” are entrepreneurialism and the environment.

Nor will you find many in the party talking warmly about Social Democrats – despite years spent cooperating with Social Democrat governments, most recently with the administrations of Ingvar Carlsson and Göran Persson between 1995 and 1998.

Today, figures from the party are focusing more on getting cosy with representatives of the Moderates, the Liberals and the Christian Democrats – the other three parties in the centre-right Alliance. The four parties have announced agreements on a whole range of issues, from property tax (they want to abolish it), through to nuclear power, something the Centre Party has long wanted to do away with (the Alliance will keep it – at least for the life of the next parliament).

Olofsson (or simply ‘Maud’ to Centre activists) has been one of the most prominent faces in the Alliance, despite leading the second smallest party in the grouping. She beams out from the party’s election posters, which even declare that the party will take Sweden to “Maudern times”. With Maud’s approval ratings many times higher than those of her party, they have clearly decided to make the most out of their asset.

Olofsson has had a key position in the Alliance from the very start, when the four party leaders announced their new partership from the front lawn of her house in Högfors, Norrland, in autumn 2004.

Dressed in their best woolly sweaters, the leaders declared that they would work together to throw the Social Democrats out of office, and provide a coherent alternative government.

Since then, the parties have forged deals on a range of policies, including abolishing payroll tax for a whole range of jobs in the service sector and phasing out property tax. For the Centre Party’s economic affairs spokesman Roger Tiefensee, tackling Sweden’s unemployment is a central plank of the party’s election campaign, and to do that business-friendly policies will be needed.

“Making people and businesses grow – that’s the core of what the Centre Party’s about,” the 38-year old spokesman says as he meets me between TV and radio interviews just a few weeks before polling day.

He says the turning point for the Centre Party – the point at which it left cooperation with the Social Democrats behind, and re-evaluated its focus on rural issues – was the 1998 election, at which the party polled only 5.1 percent of the vote, its worst ever showing.

“We realised that if the trend were to continue we’d be out at the next election, so we started to discuss what we are about.”

But even if this led the former Farmers’ Party to look towards free-market economics and focus on business-friendly policies, the no-nonsense, homespun image of the Centre Party has remained. Olofsson frequently receives journalists in her kitchen in Högfors, and Tiefensee refers to the party’s philosophy as “kitchen table democracy”.

“Democracy starts with a discussion round the kitchen table,” he says.

But while the image is disarming, the Centre has not been afraid to court controversy. The most clear recent example of this was when it suggested creating special employment contracts for people under 26, which would make it easier for employers to get rid of younger workers. The idea is that if workers are easier to fire, employers will be more likely to take a risk on them.

A similar proposal in France caused riots on the streets of Paris. In Sweden, far-left activists have used the policy as a pretext to vandalise Centre Party local offices. Hardly surprising, therefore, that the other Alliance parties have found the issue too hot to touch, but Tiefensee says it was right to air the idea:

“Young people should get the opportunity to show that they can do a good job,” he insists.

“The unemployment rate among young people in Sweden is very high. If you include students who are looking for jobs, Sweden’s youth unemployment rate is one of the worst in Europe,” he argues.

Tiefensee doesn’t claim that the policy will become reality, but he says he is glad that it has provoked debate.

“We wanted to put forward a measure that we knew would be discussed. Now it is on the agenda, and we’re satisfied with that.”

But Tiefensee says that he would like to discuss going even further in liberalising Sweden’s employment market.

“In Denmark, with their so-called Flexicurity, there is even greater flexibility. We have said that we want to look at this and come up with a new Swedish model. Maybe if you have that kind of programme you don’t need a youth contract scheme.”

So, are we talking about ditching the Swedish Model?

“I think the Swedish Model is a common base for all political parties – it’s a bit of Swedish culture. But a model has to be renewed all the time.”

If the Alliance has agreed to disagree over the youth contracts, there have been areas where disagreement has become more public.

Following the publication of a very critical report into the government’s handling of the tsunami crisis, the Alliance fell out very publicly over how to hold the government to account. The Centre Party’s MPs demanded for an immediate vote of no confidence, while the other Alliance parties wanted to wait and see how things developed. Tiefensee now admits that it was not their finest hour.

“We could have handled that much better, both as the Alliance and as the Centre Party. It is very important with questions like that that we speak with one voice.”

But Tiefensee insists that the four parties have learnt their lesson.

“We will see the Alliance working much more closely together and prepared to get into office as a group. If you look at the Greens and the Left Party, they want to get into office, but Social Democrats say they are seeking a mandate to rule alone.”

The leaders’ meeting at Högfors, and a subsequent get-together at the home of Christian Democrat leader Göran Hägglund in Småland, certainly helped create the impression that whatever their differences on the fine detail of policy, here were four people who could work together. But what about at other levels in the party – have the economic spokespeople been cracking open a bottle of wine at informal get-togethers?

“We have certainly met up at [Moderate economic spokesman] Mikael Odenberg’s house to negotiate,” Tiefensee says.

“This is very important – we get to know each other before we get into government, so that government can function better from the start.”

“We are better prepared now than any party or grouping has ever been before taking office.”

But while the parties’ agreements are no small feat, there are still inbuilt tensions in the relationship, as Tiefensee tacitly admits when he expresses his aim for the Centre Party “to be Sweden’s third biggest party” – a position currently held by the Liberals.

“It is very important that we speak with one voice, but at the same time we are four parties,” says Tiefensee.

“We have common policies in some areas, but we each have different issues that we can add.”

The issue that the Centre Party thinks it can add to the mix is the environment. The party is proposing tax breaks for cars that run on alternative fuels, something it hopes will make green motoring even more popular in Sweden, which already has one of the highest rates of green car ownership in Europe.

“We want to use carrots, not sticks,” Tiefensee insists.

As for the nuclear issue, the party seems to have kept faith with its agreement with Alliance partners to keep Sweden’s nuclear power stations for the next parliament. Surely the recent security scare at the Forsmark plant (where one former chief at the plant was quoted as saying that it could have gone into meltdown) put strains on this agreement?

“For some in the party, yes,” admits Tiefensee, “but for me and the party leadership it showed that it was good that we’d made this agreement, because at the core of this is a focus on looking for alternatives.”

The ultimate hope, of course, is that this unity will give the Alliance the lead it needs to oust the Social Democrats from power. If so, the Centre Party should get three ministers in the cabinet if it maintains the share of the vote it acheived at the last election, and more if its exceeds this as it hopes. But with the election far from being in the bag, Tiefensee says he’s taking nothing for granted:

“Our old leader Gunnar Hedlund said ‘you have to shoot the bear before you can sell the skin’. But we’re really focusing on winning now.”

For members

ELECTION

ANALYSIS: Why Sweden’s Greens are happy despite losing big in EU vote

If all you had to go on were pictures from the Green Party's Sunday night event in Stockholm, you'd think they were the victors of the European election rather than one of the parties that lost the most votes.

ANALYSIS: Why Sweden's Greens are happy despite losing big in EU vote
Green party spokesman Per Bolund, top EU candidate Alice Bah Kuhnke, spokeswoman Isabella Lövin and Pär Holmgren, second EU candidate celebrate on Sunday. Photo: Janerik Henriksson/TT
While its sister parties in Germany, France, Ireland, Denmark, Finland, Austria, and the UK made historic gains, the Swedish Green Party lost half of its four MEPs after its share of the vote plummeted from 15.2 percent to 11.4 percent.
 
Although it wasn't alone – Sweden's Liberals and Feminist Initiative both lost more votes than the Greens did, and it did remain the country's fourth biggest party in Europe – the “Greta effect” achieved in many other countries could not be as clearly seen in the home of the Swedish teenage climate activist Greta Thunberg.
 
But on Sunday night, the party's charismatic lead candidate Alice Bah Kuhnke was grinning from ear to ear, and the party posted a message on Twitter thanking supporters and boasting of the 11.4 percent. 
Top EU candidate Alice Bah Kuhnke celebrates her election as an MEP. Photo: Janerik Henriksson/TT
 
What's going on? 
 
Arguably, it's because the Sweden's Greens are actually a step ahead of their sister parties. The party had its own green wave in the 2014 European elections, when it soared by 4.1 points. 
 
European Election ANALYSIS: Six key takeaways from Sweden's vote
 
Months later it entered national government for the first time as the junior partner in coalition with the Social Democrats and the painful concessions it was forced to make over the next four years left it with only 4.41 percent in September's election, just a whisker over the four percent threshold to enter parliament. 
 
“It's obvious that they are very happy,” Roger Hildingsson, a Lund University researcher specializing in green politics, told The Local. “The rule of thumb is that the Green Party doubles its result in the national elections in the European elections, so this is a lot better than that. They were afraid of a much lower result.” 
 
The party achieved a lot in power, doubling Sweden's environmental spending, driving through a flight tax, subsidies for electric bikes and low-emission cars, a new climate law, and a proposal that tripled the cost of European emissions allowances.
 
But it also made painful concessions, breaking a key promise to close down Vattenfall's coal mines in Germany and backing a tightening of Swedish refugee and immigration policy that lost it half of its members. 
 
READ ALSO: 
Former Green Party spokesperson Åsa Romson nears tears as she announced a tightening of refugee policy. Photo: Janerik Henriksson/TT
 
The party has also faced other parties competing for the same space, with the Centre Party and Liberal Parties positioning themselves as economically liberal greens, and the Left Party competing on the more radical green turf.  
 
There was also the breakaway Vändpunkt (Turning Point) party formed by longtime Green Party figure Carl Schlyter after he left the party in protest at the January Agreement struck with the Centre and Liberal parties. 
 
“As far as I understand from the Green Party they have been nervous as to what extent they will be challenged by Vändpunkt,” Hildingsson said.
 
In the end Vändpunkt pulled in only a fraction of a percentage, ending up humiliatingly lumped together in the 0.7 percent of “other parties”. 
 
“I think this will give the party some kind of self-confidence that they are back on track and attractive to voters concerned by climate change. That they might have come out of their crisis.” 
 
Carl Schlyter at the February press conference announcing the launch of his new party. Photo: Jonas Ekströmer/TT
 
Hildingsson said that the result could also strengthen the party in negotiations, both within Sweden's ruling coalition and in Europe, where its two mandates are now part of a block with a potential kingmaker role. 
 
“When the agreement was made in January, the Green Party was definitely the weakest partner, with this result they can maybe argue with more confidence,” he said of Sweden's coalition.  
 
The European situation very much depended, he said, on negotiations with the Social Democrats or centre-right European People's Party in the European parliament. 
 
“It could be sufficient for them [the centre parties] to strike an agreement with Alde [the Liberal group], so in that sense they could jump the Greens,” he warned. “But on the other hand I think they are concerned that there is some popular concern about climate change.”
 
 
The question, he said, was to how radical a programme of action on climate change the mainstream parties of the centre-left or centre-right might be willing to agree. 
 
“If this green wave is a result of stark concerns that we need to act now, rapidly, transforming our societies, that speaks in favour of a more radical position,” he said. “On the other hand, the room for pushing very radical positions might be limited, because the green group aren't alone in the middle.”  
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